“It is not the case that a man who is silent says nothing. Anonymous.” (Basso, 1970)
In the U.S. today, hegemonic masculinity, in which patriarchy is dominant over all other forms of masculinity, (Leatherman, 2005) creates a situation where policies regarding women’s issues are more descriptive than substantive (Borelli, 2005). Thus, progress on issues such as domestic violence, welfare reform, abortion rights and trafficking is slow; while policies meant to address these issues are less effective. While we’ve made progress since the 1970s regarding women’s issues, ideologies regarding women, entrenched within cultures for thousands of years, still prevent issues such as domestic violence from being fully addressed, despite such feminist tactics as gendering policy debates and other efforts. (McBride, 2005)
Just as McBride, Leatherman and Borelli looked at women’s issues and policy from a gendered viewpoint, I wanted to use their work and the work of others, to look at domestic violence related policy debates from a gendered viewpoint to determine whether gender in government and politics had created a situation where “women’s under-representation in political office” had impacted public policy regarding domestic violence. I believe this sheds light on why violence against women still exists, despite landmark legislation like the VAWA, due to ideologies that drive hegemonic masculinity.
In their 2012 report, Men Rule, The Continued Under-Representation of Women in U.S. Politics, Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox state: “women’s under-representation in American politics raises grave concerns regarding democratic legitimacy and fundamental issues of political representation.” (p. 2) Because domestic violence still occurs on the scale that it does, it is an issue that illustrates the consequences of women’s under-representation in politics. As domestic violence is related to an ideology of power and control, it is directly related to hegemonic masculinity.
To support my thesis, I first describe how the abusive mind works and how it is related to Leatherman’s description of hegemonic masculinity on the foreign policy front. Next, I discuss the long history of attitudes which have kept women subordinated and under the control of men, to show why it has been only within the past 40 years that domestic violence has been addressed. I review the work of such experts as Lundy Bancroft, Faith Lutze, Nancy Meyer-Emerick, Leatherman, McBride, Borelli and even Christine Pizan.
Introduction
When the Violence against Women Act 2011 (VAWA – S.1925) recently came up for renewal, it faced considerable opposition. For some, the proposed bill did not do enough to help women and for others it extended law enforcement too far, such in tribal cases, in ways that were unprecedented. Others felt that laws already in place prohibiting violence were enough to protect women. (Allen, 2012) Originally passed in 1994, VAWA set out to create sweeping measures to address and to end domestic violence; it was the first national legislation to criminalize domestic violence. Augmenting VAWA, in 2009 the President signed the Tribal Law and Order Act of 2010, an act intended to decrease violence against women in Native American communities. (Rosenthall, 2010) However, both the current immensity and prevalence of domestic violence, and the fact that these two acts have only existed since 1994 and 2010 reveal a deep underlying sociocultural problem that will require much work into the future.
When it was first proposed, VAWA did not pass easily. According to Nancy Meyer-Emerick, VAWA “was the result of four years of intense lobbying, ultimately by more than a thousand organizations.” (2001, p. 4) Yet, while VAWA is considered by many to be groundbreaking legislation, it still does not address “the subtle and complex nature of the terrorization of women by prohibiting verbal intimidation, coercion, and unwanted physical contact,” as the laws addressing the “gendered form of abuse (known as) sexual harassment” do. (Meyer-Emerick, 2001, p. 5) Essentially, it is for reasons like this that VAWA is more descriptive than substantive such that its reauthorization is facing opposition. For example, Charlotte Allen, of Women against VAWA Excess, states that one key flaw is that “the reauthorization bill … doesn’t provide …. the most important thing female victims of crime need: the ability for prosecutors to prove their cases in court via physical and forensic evidence.” For example, Allen believes the bill needs to provide a provision for rape kits (Allen, 2002).
How hegemonic masculinity is similar to the abusive mind
To see how policies regarding violence against women are impacted by hegemonic masculinity, it helps to understand the underlying attitudes that operate in the abusive male in relation to Leatherman’s definition of hegemonic masculinity. Hegemony by definition is dominance by one group over another. It is important to note that there are various forms of masculinity, but it is the dominant form (in the U.S., hegemonic masculinity) that “functions at the level of the whole society and shores up male power and advantage,” by not only subordinating females, but also subordinating other masculinities. (Leatherman, 2005) As Borelli states, since policy debates are addressed from the dominant frame, it is possible to see that if the dominant frame is one of hegemonic masculinity (aggressive patriarchy) women’s issues hardly stand a chance in the public policy realm.
Lundy Bancroft, former director of Emerge, the nation’s first program for abusive men, has worked with angry and abusive men for more than twenty years. From this work, Bancroft boils the issue of violence against women down to an abusive mentality that is strikingly similar to Leatherman’s description of hegemonic masculinity. Bancroft states that despite the many myths which try to pin reasons for men’s abusiveness on everything from a bad childhood to an alcohol problem, the reality is that abusive men have an abusive mentality: they are controlling, they feel entitled, and they consider themselves superior to women. (Bancroft, 2002, pp. 49-75.) The similarities between Leatherman’s descriptions of the U.S. in regards to its relationships with the world are strikingly similar to the kind of relationship Bancroft describes that an abusive man has with his partner, in situations of domestic violence.
To demonstrate her theory, Leatherman looked at the war in Iraq to show how hegemonic masculinity impacted foreign policy there. Leatherman states “the U.S. policy of hegemonic masculinity puts the United Nations in a subordinate, feminized position, discrediting its efforts to preserve a space for consensus building.” (Leatherman, 2005) In this way, Leatherman sees the relationship between the U.S. and other countries as a gendered relationship, which she states “like all international relationships, are about power and resistance.” (Leatherman, 2005)
The kind of power and control described in Leatherman’s assessment of the “arrogance” exercised by the United States and its “aim of imposing its own will on the world while stripping the United Nations of its role and legitimacy in international affairs,” is the same kind of power and control that strips women of self, in situations of violence against women. If the U.S. operates from this position of hegemonic masculinity, “an aggressive, nationalist orientation to foreign policy…that prioritizes national interest, aggrandizement and domination over the pursuit of common interests and the global public good,” it follows that policies regarding women, such as the VAWA, will be framed and addressed in the same manners we see in foreign policy, with similar results.
Domination is at the core of both hegemonic masculinity and domestic violence. The same ideologies which support hegemonic masculinity also create the context for the widespread prevalence of violence against women in the home, as well as the cultural and societal structures which continue to allow it. These ideologies also create the dynamics of government such that public policy that addresses violence against women still remains more descriptive than substantive, as Dorothy McBride stated with regards to her analysis of the “three policy debates in Congress: welfare reform, abortion regulation and trafficking.” (McBride, 2005) After all, the same thought processes and ideologies that drive government and foreign policies and that create Leatherman’s hegemonic masculinity don’t just suddenly appear on the foreign policy level or within any part of government. They make their way into such policy due to a root cause, something that lies much deeper in the human psyche.
Long history of male dominance sustains violence against women
In fact, more than six centuries ago, Christine de Pizan described what could be the underlying cause for domestic violence and government’s failure to properly address it when she stated: “why do so many men, in so many places and times, fear and rail against women, who are, after all, at least physically, the weaker sex?” (Pizan, 1405, 1998, p. 3-4; Gilmore, 2001, p. 1-2) Pizan’s ideas are important today, not so much because they were ahead of their time, but because the same issues still exist today.
In his book, Misogyny, the male malady, David Gilmore refers to Pizan, and then goes on to make an honest assessment of himself that I believe reveals an underlying attitude of misogyny that contributes to a government that still remains a mostly male dominated environment, leading to hegemonic masculinity, where women and women’s issues (while better than in Pizan’s time) largely remain underrepresented. Gilmore states: “Like most baby boom males, I consider myself a tolerant and enlightened man, and I harbor a sincere fondness for women….. However, I do recognize occasional negative stirrings in myself, feelings that certainly exist in most of my male friends whether they will admit to it or not: these include impatience, peevishness, a tendency to scapegoat females, atavistic impulses (usually erotic), frustrations in trying to communicate, and anger over inherent differences.” (Gilmore, 2001. P. xi.).
While Gilmore’s “negative stirrings” do not necessarily cause violence against women on their own, these underlying attitudes contribute to its cause and continued existence in society and, they contribute to hegemonic masculinity. Lutze & Symons state “masculine identities within North American culture are founded on power. Culturally, men are to be strong, independent, unemotional, and aggressive….Thus men in patriarchal societies are granted inherent superiority over women and the power to both protect and discipline others.” (2003, p. 320). It is this kind of power that Leatherman asserts allows a type of aggressive masculinity to become the dominant masculinity in U.S. foreign policy. Leatherman points out that “as Cynthia Enloe reminds us, patriarchy is not natural. It requires great effort to reproduce it and sustain it every day.” (Leatherman, 2005)
Gilmore’s self-assessment illustrates an underlying attitude, present in Lutze & Symons’ version of masculinity, which is defined by power and control, and what Leatherman calls the “social construction of gender roles” where the masculinity dominant in politics, foreign policy, and in the homes of women who face violence is the aggressive, patriarch form of masculinity. It is for this reason that policies become more descriptive than substantive, even though they often appear substantive.
Progress towards women’s issues only seems substantial
In their article “The Evolution of Domestic Violence Policy Through Masculine Institutions,” Faith Lutze and Megan Symons state, “The attention that domestic violence (DV) has received over the last 30 years through social movements, the media, legislative changes, and agency level responses has brought about what might be considered substantial legal and policy changes over a relative short period of time.” (2003, p. 321) The key words here are “might be considered substantial,” since there is so much more which still needs to be done.
Indeed in the last forty years we have made progress. In 2010, President Barak Obama signed the Tribal Law and Order Act, addressing domestic violence on tribal lands. In 1994 The Violence against Women Act was signed into law, so that today, everywhere in our nation, domestic violence is illegal. Today, laws are more consistently enforced than ever before in our history. Today, we have shelters that did not exist before the 1970s including SAGE the local domestic violence and sexual assault center in my community. Haven House “the first shelter for battered women and children was started in 1964” one year before I was born. (LaViolette & Barnette, 2000, p. 2)
Yet, progress on domestic violence issues has been more related to providing education and support in the aftermath of violence than to preventing it. This is because “little attention has been paid to identifying and modifying the structural and cultural sources of abusive behavior” (Buzawa, Buzawa, Stark, 2012, pp. 2, 23) that Pizan, Bancroft, Luzte & Symons and others describe.
What keeps the underlying root causes of violence against women largely out of the debate, is a long tradition where “institutions have been designed to protect male privilege within a patriarchal system.” Thus, the “inherent power embedded in masculinity, and the ability to formulate law, institutions, and policy from this position of power, translates into gendered institutions and policy development” created “in favor of men,” which have “severely limited women’s ownership of property, rights within marriage, control of sexual reproduction, and their defenses against rape and domestic violence.” (Lutze & Symons, 2003, p. 320) It has been a male privilege to use violence against women in the name of discipline for centuries, and in fact this legal right “to discipline their wives remained intact until (as recently) as the 1970s.” (Lutze & Symons, 2003, p. 321-22.) This leads to a form of hegemonic masculinity that “denies women equal access to the law” as well as a failure of public policy and “the criminal justice system to adequately respond to domestic violence” (Lutze & Symons, 2003, p. 321-22) essentially rendering VAWA less effective. This is an example of how VAWA is more descriptive than substantive.
In fact, looking at a timeline of the laws governing marriage and wife beating throughout history, against the backdrop of a mere 40 years of progress, provides some insight into why even today, violence against women still exists. “For hundreds if not thousands of years the domestic assault of women has been considered a necessary tool for a man to maintain order and discipline in his home.” (Bancroft, 2002, p. 8) From a policy and legal standpoint, according to Michael Olivero, in Domestic Violence, “Traditionally, domestic violence has not been treated with the same concern as violence committed between strangers. When the victim and perpetrator were related it was as if the legal system transformed the behavior into a less heinous offense. An attitude of indifference to domestic violence extended throughout the criminal justice system.” Thus, it was not until the 1990’s that domestic violence was approached consistently by the judicial system. (Olivero, 2007.)
Analysis of VAWA reveals Leatherman’s’ hegemonic masculinity
Although Meyer-Emerick does not use the term hegemonic masculinity, its impact can be seen in her study of policymaking on violence against women in the United States which was published in 2001 as “The Violence against Women Act of 1994: an Analysis of Intent and Perception.” Meyer-Emerick’s goal was to determine “why current policymaking was limited to criminal, physical acts, although (she had found that) the problem (of addressing domestic violence) requires sociocultural changes.” Her review of literature revealed that “the roots of the problem are in the sociocultural system” (Meyer-Emerick, 2001, p. 101) ideas, which are described in Gilmore’s, Leatherman’s, Lutze & Symons’ and Pizan’s work.
Meyer-Emerick conducted an in depth analysis of VAWA, examining beliefs about the causes of domestic violence, and whether the accepted causes of violence and those revealed through her work were addressed in VAWA. Finally, she set out to determine why various causes of domestic violence against women were not addressed by VAWA. (Meyer-Emerick, 2001, pp. 8-9) Meyer-Emerick interviewed federal policy makers, local practitioners and held focus groups with survivors, perpetrators and the general public. For her analysis, she referred to the work of three theorists whose work was based on the use of power, specifically “three types of power: the power of ideas, the power of the state and the power of men.” (Meyer-Emerick, 2001, pp. 7,8) The three theorists she chose were Michel Foucault, whose theories regarding sexuality and violence were discussed in The History of Sexuality. She also reviewed Jürgen Habermas “for his analysis of the role of the state within the market and sociocultural system” and Catherine MacKinnon, who “theorized that a gender hierarchy dominated by men was preserved through the erotization of sex by violence.” (Meyer-Emerick, 2001, p. 8)
While no one knows for certain the exact causes of violence against women (both in our nation and on a global level) most studies reveal that it stems from some men’s feeling of entitlement to dominate women. Meyer-Emerick states that violence against women arises because “women are socialized on a daily basis through both subtle and blatant messages to accept many types of abuse, just as men are socialized to be dominant and in control.” (2001, p. 5) This type of control is essentially what Leatherman described as the US hegemonic masculinity, dominance by the U.S. over other countries and the UN.
In her comparison of VAWA with the “causal roots of the problem, (within the sociocultural system) Meyer-Emerick concluded that VAWA was narrower in scope than it might be, given the complex nature of domestic violence against women. In fact, she concluded that in some ways VAWA might work to support men’s power because it does not provide provisions for subtle forms of abuse. (Meyer-Emerick, 2001, p. 102-108.)
Hegemonic masculinity silences my community regarding domestic violence
A recent issue in my own community illustrates how hegemonic masculinity disrupts progress on issues such as domestic violence, despite legislation such as VAWA. During the month of October in my small town, Breast Cancer Awareness Month overshadowed National Domestic Violence Awareness Month despite the murders of two local women (domestic violence related fatalities) and in fact domestic violence never made the local paper. I had hoped these tragic murders would make it timely and important for our local newspaper to provide readers and the community with insight into the often-misunderstood social tragedy of domestic violence, so I submitted a proposal for a guest editorial. In addition, our local domestic violence and sexual assault center had changed its name and location that month. Yet the topic of domestic violence was never addressed in our local paper.
Like the Western Apache, where silence is its own communication, (Basso, 1970, p. 25) silence can tell us a lot about the dominant ideologies in our culture. As Leatherman pointed out, the patriarch form of masculinity is dominant over all others in the US leading to what she termed is a hegemonic masculinity that creates an aggressive, dominating form of US foreign policy. Under this regime, other ideals are silenced. While it might seem that what happens on the international stage has no bearing on issues that happen in our own communities, in fact how the US deals with foreign policy is indicative of how we deal with all other policies, especially policies regarding women. Like any form of tyranny, the perpetrator’s primary weapon is often the power to render both victim and society silent.
This was evident last year, when in my own community, two women were murdered, one in August and the other in October, allegedly by a partner or ex-partner. Thirty-eight-year-old Ortencia Arroyo Alehandre was murdered in front of her two children by her estranged husband, who this year was convicted of first-degree murder. (Robbins, 2012) Two innocent children are now forever impacted, not only because they’ve lost their mother, but because of what they’ve witnessed. Yet, the local media did not report these murders as domestic violence related murders, and in October, despite the two deaths, the paper remained silent in regards to National Domestic Violence Awareness Month.
Despite being an immense problem, domestic violence is not adequately addressed
Meyer-Emerick states, “The scope of the problem of violence against women is immense. When first introducing the Violence Against Women Act in 1990, (then) Senator Joseph Biden cited the FBI Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), ‘Crime in the United States’ (1988, 7) which states that ‘every 6 minutes, a woman is raped; every 15 seconds a woman is beaten.’” (Meyer-Emerick, 2001, p. 8) In fact, Meyer-Emerick states “in recognition of the brutality and subtlety of violence against women I will be using the term ‘terrorization’ to more accurately reflect the traumatization suffered by women” to “emphasize the reality that women in the United States are overwhelmingly the recipients of psychological, emotional, sexual, and physical indoctrination and attacks on their humanity because they are women.” (Meyer-Emerick, 2001, p. 8).
According to Bancroft, “government statistics show that 1,500 to 2,000 women are murdered by partners and ex-partners per year…comprising more than one-third of all female homicide victims.” In fact, millions of women and children live in tyranny, pinned down by the power and control tactics of an abuser who is often skilled at hiding his behavior. The problem is so prevalent “the U.S. Surgeon General has declared attacks by male partners to be the number one cause of injury to women between the ages of fifteen and forty-four…because 2 to 4 million women are assaulted by their partners per year in the United States…” (Bancroft, 2002, p. 8)
In my own community, Ortencia and Vicky’s names will now be among the more than 755 people, mostly women, who have been killed in Washington State in a domestic violence related fatality since January 1, 1997 according to the Washington State Coalition Against Domestic Violence Fatality Review.
Conclusion
For thousands of years, domestic violence against women has largely been ignored, due to under-representation of women in political office, supported by hegemonic masculinity. Only with the women’s movement, and subsequent modest increases in numbers of women holding office, has domestic violence been taken seriously, such that progress began to be made. When “the women’s movement spawned the shelter movement, along with advocacy for women’s rights” it caused attention to be paid towards “violence against women in their own homes” so that “by 1978, battered wives had become a separate topic, distinct from reports on assaults and murders.” (LaViolette and Barnet, 2000, p. 2)
Still, while such progress is good, stemming from many factors such as the feminist movement which brought the idea of gendering policy debates into the arena, it will require more than policies to end domestic violence, while these are necessary. It will require a complete change in ideologies, such that society no longer operates from a male privilege, patriarchy or hegemonic masculinity ideology. These attitudes drive government policies, especially those addressing violence against women so they hardly have a chance to become substantive.
Like many complex and misunderstood issues, domestic violence is a difficult topic to discuss. Yet, it is only because we have broken the silence that we have made any progress at all. That progress has come in fits and starts, in inches not miles. Difficult as it may be, we must continue to talk, and to advance feminist issues by gendering policy debates. McBride describes gendering policy debates as the act of framing those debates from a gender perspective based on “ideas about men and women in relation to each other and ideas about women or men as a group distinct from each other.” (2005) McBride asserts that policy debates must be gendered so that substantive representation can take place to pave the way for feminist goals to be achieved. Specifically, in order for feminists, “to gender policy debates” they must “insert references to (their) conceptions of gender into the frame of the debate.” (2005) Domestic violence requires this kind of debate.
There is hope. I believe in breaking the silence as all of these authors have done, starting back in 1405 with Pizan, we will change the underlying ideas of misogyny, patriarchy and hegemonic masculinity that currently operate on a foreign and domestic level in our country. Then, we will end domestic violence.
For more information, call the National Domestic Violence Hotline at 1-800-799-SAFE (7233) or TTY 1-800-787-3224 or go to http://www.ncdsv.org.
References
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Robbins, Jefferson. (2012, March 8) “‘When you find my dad, please don’t hurt him’ Trial opens in domestic stabbing death.” The Wenatchee World. Accessed via http://www.wenatcheeworld.com/news/2012/mar/08/when-you-find-my-dad-please-dont-hurt-him-trial/.
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